ZANU PF’s Politburo meeting scheduled for the afternoon of October 9, 2026, was called off after senior members had gathered at the party’s headquarters in Harare. The meeting had been expected to consider proposed changes to the party constitution, but it ended before President Emmerson Mnangagwa joined the session. The party gave a brief explanation for the disruption; Spokesperson Christopher Mutsvangwa stated, “There was a clash or an overflow of programmes, and the meeting was postponed.” Farai Marapira, ZANU PF’s director for information and publicity, also described a “clash of programmes” and insisted it was “nothing serious.”
Despite the official narrative, the abrupt cancellation came at a critical time as the party prepared for its 23rd National People’s Conference, scheduled to run from October 12 to 17 at Chinhoyi University of Technology (CUT). The constitution was high on the agenda because party officials were working on changes intended to bring party rules into line with Zimbabwe’s recently amended national Constitution. These proposed amendments touch a central question for ZANU PF: how it selects and prepares its presidential candidate. The party constitution also sets rules for congresses and defines how authority is shared between the Politburo, Central Committee, and provincial structures.
The disagreement over these changes has exposed a deep division between President Mnangagwa and Vice-President General (retired) Constantino Chiwenga, whose political partnership dates back to the events that brought Mnangagwa to power in 2017. Chiwenga is reported to have strongly opposed the proposed alignment. A detailed account posted by political activist Jealousy Mawarire claimed that Chiwenga objected to using the amended national Constitution as the basis for changing ZANU PF’s rules, demanding to see the draft amendments before the President arrived.
According to Mawarire, Chiwenga told party officials he was “not going to allow ED and his cronies to illegally change the party constitution in the way they did the national constitution.” He reportedly challenged the claim that the national changes had originated from party conference resolutions and demanded to see the 21 specific resolutions cited. Following this exchange, the meeting was called off. However, this version of events remains contested; former Norton MP Temba Mliswa called Mawarire’s account “absolute lies,” asserting the cancellation had nothing to do with the Vice-President.
The core of the dispute centers on the Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment (No. 3) Act, signed into law on July 7, 2026. This Act extended the terms of the President and Parliament from five to seven years. Crucially, these changes apply to the sitting President, moving the expected end of Mnangagwa’s current term from 2028 to 2030. The Act also replaced the direct election of the President by voters with an election by members of the Senate and National Assembly. Other changes include increasing the Senate to 90 members and shifting voter registration duties to the Registrar-General.
ZANU PF’s Legal Affairs Secretary, Ziyambi Ziyambi, previously noted that the party’s Legal Standing Committee had been instructed to align party rules with these national changes. However, the timing is highly sensitive. If the party adopts rules reflecting the longer national timetable, it could extend the period before a new leader is selected. Mnangagwa’s allies defend the changes as necessary for continuity under “Vision 2030,” while Chiwenga’s supporters view the extension as a deliberate delay to the succession process.
This friction reaches back to November 2017, when Robert Mugabe’s 37-year rule ended following military intervention. Chiwenga, then commander of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces, played a central role in that transition. While the alliance joined military and political networks, it failed to produce a succession arrangement accepted by both camps. The new national timetable has now made the question of succession immediate, pressuring the party to decide how its own internal rules should evolve.
Furthermore, the constitutional amendment is facing significant legal hurdles. Constitutional law professor Lovemore Madhuku recently noted that several cases concerning the Act are before the Constitutional Court. One notable challenge by six liberation war veterans argues that removing the direct presidential vote affects a constitutional right and requires a referendum. Other cases question the legality of applying longer terms to incumbents and the integrity of the legislative process itself.
Public debate regarding the amendments has been equally volatile. While a parliamentary committee report claimed 99.4 per cent of public submissions supported the changes, critics and civic groups argue that opponents were silenced. Reports of intimidation surfaced, including an incident in Chiredzi where activist Gilbert Mutebuki was allegedly assaulted after attempting to oppose the bill at a public hearing.
As the National People’s Conference in Chinhoyi approaches, the party continues its outward preparations, including a fundraising dinner with a target of US$6 million. However, the internal atmosphere remains tense. While the official reason for the Politburo’s postponement remains a “clash of programmes,” the competing narrative suggests a fundamental power struggle. Whether the senior leadership can agree on these pivotal rules remains the ultimate test for ZANU PF’s future stability.