HARARE – A controversial constitutional amendment is quietly reshaping Zimbabwe’s political landscape, a move critics are decrying as a “third term by stealth” and a “constitutional coup.” While the ruling ZANU-PF party defends the proposal as a necessary measure for stability and continued development, a deeper investigation reveals a calculated strategy to entrench President Emmerson Mnangagwa in power until at least 2030, fundamentally altering the country’s democratic foundations.
At the heart of the controversy is the gazetted Constitutional Amendment No. 3, which proposes two radical changes. Firstly, it seeks to extend the term of office for the president and all other elected officials from five to seven years. Secondly, and more alarmingly for democracy advocates, it aims to replace direct presidential elections with a system where Parliament elects the head of state. This manoeuvre would effectively postpone the 2028 general elections to 2030 and strip ordinary Zimbabweans of their right to directly choose their leader.
The government’s justification for these changes has been met with widespread scepticism. On 16 February 2026, Justice Minister Ziyambi Ziyambi officially gazetted the amendment, setting in motion a plan that had been simmering within ZANU-PF circles for years under the banner of the “ED2030” campaign. The slogan, a reference to President Mnangagwa’s initials, had been publicly repudiated by the president himself, yet its undercurrents have now burst into the open.
ZANU-PF’s Treasurer-General, Patrick Chinamasa, has been a vocal defender of the amendment, employing a semantic argument to downplay its impact. In a statement on social media, he contended, “The Bill elongates the electoral cycle from five to seven years for everyone, from councillors to the President … In essence we elected to uphold the Presidential term limit in its entirety.”
He insisted that this was not an “extension” of the term limit but a mere “elongation” of the electoral cycle, a distinction that has failed to convince opponents. When pressed on the need for public consent, Chinamasa was unequivocal: “There will be no referendum. Full stop.”
This attempt to bypass a public vote is a direct challenge to the 2013 constitution, a document painstakingly crafted with the involvement of opposition parties to prevent the very kind of term-limit manipulation now being witnessed. David Coltart, the Mayor of Bulawayo and a prominent figure in the Citizens Coalition for Change (CCC) who was involved in drafting the 2013 constitution, has fiercely contested the government’s position. He argues that the amendment flagrantly violates Section 328(7) of the constitution, which explicitly states that any amendment extending the length of time a person may hold public office cannot apply to an incumbent.
In a direct rebuttal to Chinamasa, Coltart questioned the logic of the government’s argument, stating, “If the electoral ‘cycle’ can be extended by two years, what logical basis would prevent it from being extended by 20 years, or 50 years even? It is clearly nonsensical.”
His comments highlight a dangerous precedent that could allow future leaders to arbitrarily prolong their rule under the guise of constitutional reform.
The proposed changes have been described as a “win-win” for the ruling elite but a “lose-lose” for Zimbabwean democracy. Members of Parliament are presented with a powerful incentive to support the amendment, as it guarantees them an additional two years in their seats without facing the uncertainty of an election. This creates a political ecosystem where the legislature’s loyalty is secured not through public accountability, but through a shared interest in self-preservation, effectively sidelining opposition figures like Nelson Chamisa.
The “ED2030” agenda has not advanced without resistance, even from within ZANU-PF’s traditional support base. The introduction of the “Vision 2030” slogan by ZANU-PF National Chairperson Oppah Muchinguri at party gatherings was met with a hostile reception from war veterans, a historically steadfast pillar of the ruling party. In one notable incident, Muchinguri was booed as she attempted to rally support for the term extension.
This internal dissent has occasionally resulted in disciplinary action, pointing to a “silent purge” of those who dare to question the party line. In May 2024, Danmore Mambondiyani, a ZANU-PF youth league deputy secretary, was reportedly suspended for refusing to chant slogans advocating for Mnangagwa’s extended rule.
The international community has watched these developments with concern. A report in the state-run Herald newspaper initially claimed the new European Union ambassador, Katrin Hagemann, had endorsed the bill. However, the EU embassy in Harare quickly issued a clarification, stating that while constitutional amendments are a “sovereign prerogative,” they must be undertaken “in full accordance with both the letter and the spirit of the Constitution reflecting the will of the people.”
Constitutional lawyer Justice Mavedzenge has warned that by forcing through the amendment, President Mnangagwa risks losing legitimacy and could suffer the same fate as his predecessor, Robert Mugabe, who was ousted in a 2017 coup. Mavedzenge also cautioned that such “constitutional coups” could become a contagious trend in the region if not addressed.
As Zimbabwe stands at this critical juncture, the “2030 vision” appears less a blueprint for national progress and more a tool for personal power. The intricate legal jargon and political manoeuvring mask a stark reality: the fundamental principles of Zimbabwean democracy are being quietly dismantled, not by force, but under the veneer of constitutional reform. The trap has been set, and it is the democratic future of the nation that hangs in the balance.
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