HARARE – In the quiet corridors of power, away from the prying eyes of the ordinary Zimbabwean struggling to put food on the table, a meticulous plan is being finalised. It is a plan that aims to do what no bullet or ballot has yet achieved: the total removal of the citizen’s right to choose their own President.
Leaked Cabinet documents, seen by our investigative team, have laid bare a sweeping legislative agenda titled the Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment Bill, 2026. If passed, this bill will not only extend President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s stay in office but will fundamentally dismantle the democratic architecture established by the 2013 Constitution.
The mastermind behind the legal framework, Justice Minister Ziyambi Ziyambi, is expected to table a memorandum to Cabinet today, 10 February 2026. The document, which we have analysed in detail, proposes a series of amendments that critics describe as a “constitutional coup.”
The Death of the Ballot Box
The most explosive proposal in the Ziyambi memorandum is the repeal of Section 92 of the Constitution. For the average Zimbabwean, Section 92 is the bedrock of their political voice; it is the provision that mandates the direct election of the President by the people.
Under the new plan, this direct popular vote will be scrapped. Instead, the President will be elected by a joint sitting of the National Assembly and the Senate. In a country where the ruling Zanu PF party currently holds a dominant majority in Parliament, this shift ensures that the Presidency remains a gift from the party elite rather than a mandate from the people.
The memorandum argues that this change will “reinforce constitutional governance” and “strengthen democratic structures.” However, seasoned political analysts see it differently. They warn that it opens the door for wealthy or well-connected politicians to “buy” the Presidency by securing the loyalty of a few hundred Members of Parliament, rather than convincing millions of voters.
The Seven-Year Stretch
Not content with merely changing how the President is chosen, the bill also seeks to change how long they stay. The draft legislation proposes extending the term of office for both the President and Parliament from five years to seven years.
For President Mnangagwa, who is currently serving his second and final term, this is the “magic bullet.” By extending the current term, the 2028 elections would be pushed back to 2030, allowing him to realise the “ED2030” dream that has been chanted at party rallies for the past year.
Ziyambi’s memorandum frames this as a necessity for “stability.” It states:
“The objective of this reform is to reduce election-related disruptions, enhance policy continuity, allow sufficient time for the implementation of long-term national projects, and promote political and economic stability.”
By framing elections as “disruptions” and “toxic,” the government is setting the stage for a future where the ballot box is seen as an unnecessary hurdle to “development.”
The Ghost of Blessed Geza
This move comes at a time of intense internal friction within Zanu PF. The recent death of liberation war veteran Blessed Geza, known by his war name “Bombshell,” has cast a long shadow over these constitutional manoeuvres.
Just four days before the leak of these documents, Geza wrote a haunting letter to the nation. In it, he expressed his deep “pain that I might not see the new Zimbabwe after Emmerson.” Geza had become a vocal critic of the 2030 term extension, famously calling for Mnangagwa’s resignation and urging citizens to stand up against what he saw as a betrayal of the liberation struggle.
While Zanu PF spokesperson Christopher Mutsvangwa has dismissed Geza’s warnings, claiming the veteran was “not well” and “not thinking properly,” the opposition has rallied around his legacy. Former legislator Tendai Biti and opposition leader Nelson Chamisa have both vowed to continue Geza’s fight against the “2030 crusade.”
Reshaping Succession: The Chiwenga Factor
The proposed amendments do more than just keep Mnangagwa in power; they also appear designed to neutralise potential rivals within the party.
Currently, if a President dies or resigns, the Vice President typically has a clear path to succession. However, the 2026 Bill proposes that Parliament must elect a new President within a specified period after a vacancy arises. This effectively strips Vice President Constantino Chiwenga of his “automatic” advantage, opening the succession race to anyone who can command a majority in the party-controlled Parliament.
This shift is likely to fuel the already raging factional fires within Zanu PF, as different camps scramble to secure the loyalty of MPs ahead of any potential vacancy.
Taking Control of the Roll
In another move that has raised alarms among electoral watchdogs, the bill proposes taking the management of the voters’ roll away from the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) and handing it back to the Registrar General (RG).
The Registrar General’s office, long led by the late Tobaiwa Mudede, was frequently accused of aiding Robert Mugabe in rigging elections through “ghost voters” and the manipulation of registration data. By returning these powers to a government department, the Mnangagwa administration is seen as centralising control over the very mechanics of the vote.
Furthermore, a new Delimitation Commission is proposed, which would take away ZEC’s sole authority to set constituency boundaries—a move that could allow for “gerrymandering” on a massive scale to ensure Zanu PF’s continued parliamentary dominance.
The “Smart” Surveillance State
While the legal battle looms in Harare, the groundwork for control is being laid in the rural areas. In Matabeleland North, headmen have recently been issued with smartphones for “grassroots governance.”
However, our investigation into these “gifts” suggests a more sinister purpose. Sources within the security apparatus indicate that these devices are part of a digital surveillance network. The phones allow the central government to monitor village meetings and identify opposition activists in real-time, ensuring that any resistance to the “ED2030” plan is snuffed out before it can gain momentum.
The Legal Battle Ahead
The government is clearly expecting a fight. A Constitutional Court application, allegedly sponsored by Zanu PF but fronted by the Matabeleland pressure group Ibhetshu LikaZulu, is already in motion. The group was granted direct access to the court just yesterday.
The central question is whether these massive changes require a public referendum. While constitutional experts argue that a change to the Bill of Rights or the term limits of the President must go to the people, Minister Ziyambi has been defiant. He has publicly declared that a referendum will not be necessary, suggesting the government intends to bulldoze the changes through Parliament and the courts.
Chief Justice Luke Malaba, whose own term was controversially extended in 2021, is expected to hear the case before his scheduled retirement on 14 May. The outcome of this hearing may well decide the fate of Zimbabwean democracy.
A Return to the Past?
The Ziyambi memorandum argues that these amendments will “harmonise Zimbabwe’s constitutional order with tested and successful practices in other progressive jurisdictions.” Yet, for many Zimbabweans, it feels like a return to the dark days of the “One-Party State” ideology of the 1980s.
By removing direct elections, extending terms, and centralising control over the voters’ roll, the “ED2030” plan represents the most extensive overhaul of the country’s laws since the fall of Robert Mugabe.
As the late Blessed Geza warned in his final hours, the struggle for a “New Zimbabwe” is far from over. For now, the ballot box is under siege, and the secret plan to scrap presidential elections is no longer a conspiracy theory—it is a documented reality.
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Provision
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Current Constitution (2013)
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Proposed Amendment (2026)
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Presidential Election
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Direct popular vote by all citizens
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Elected by joint sitting of Parliament
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Term Length
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5 Years
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7 Years
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Succession
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Vice President assumes office
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Parliament elects new President
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Voters’ Roll
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Managed by independent ZEC
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Managed by Registrar General (RG)
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Senate Size
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80 Senators
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90 (President appoints 10 more)
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Commissions
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Gender & Peace Commissions active
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Both Commissions abolished
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Note to Readers: This is a developing story. We will continue to bring you updates as the Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment Bill, 2026, moves through Cabinet.

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