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CIOs headache as former soldiers form a their political party: They fought in DRC war & helped remove Mugabe

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Harare – A profound sense of apprehension has gripped Zimbabwe’s political and security establishment as reports confirm the imminent launch of a new political party by a group of disgruntled former soldiers. This development represents a significant challenge to the ruling elite, as it involves individuals with tactical training, intimate knowledge of the regime’s internal workings, and a deep-seated sense of betrayal. These former soldiers, often referred to as ‘Green Berets’ due to their elite military background, are veterans of conflicts such as the Second Congo War and played a role in the 2017 political transition, yet now feel abandoned by the very administration they helped bring to power.

The Second Congo War, also known as Africa’s World War or the Great War of Africa, was a major conflict that began on 2 August 1998, in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), just over a year after the First Congo War. The war initially erupted when Congolese president Laurent-Désiré Kabila turned against his former allies from Rwanda and Uganda, who had helped him seize power. The conflict expanded as Kabila rallied a coalition of other countries to his defense. The war drew in Zimbabwe and eight other African nations and approximately 25 armed groups, making it one of the largest wars in African history. Interestingly, on the ground in the DRC, the joint Southern African Development Community (SADC) forces and Zimbabwean military contingent were famously commanded by General Philip Valerio Sibanda, who was a Major-General at the time.

Reports indicate that Zimbabwe’s security apparatus – particularly the Police and the Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) – is reportedly on high alert, not merely tracking individuals but actively seeking out ‘cells’ that these former military personnel have allegedly established across the country’s rural heartlands. These areas have traditionally been strongholds of the ruling Zanu PF party, making the emergence of such a movement particularly alarming. The ex-soldiers are said to be capitalising on the widespread economic hardship and discontent prevalent among the rank-and-file of the military and police, promising a ‘true liberation’ that they argue the current leaders have forsaken.

The ‘People’s Army’ Leaflets and Mass Arrests

The simmering discontent within the Zimbabwe National Army (ZNA) became starkly evident in June 2026, when 65 soldiers, including high-ranking officers, were reportedly arrested and subjected to intense interrogation at the 2 Brigade Headquarters in Cranborne Barracks. Their alleged offence was the distribution of incendiary leaflets bearing the cryptic code name ‘THE PEOPLE’S ARMY’ across various cantonment areas in Harare. These leaflets, discovered at key military installations such as the 1 Commando Regiment, Josiah Magama Tongogara Barracks, Dzivaresekwa Barracks, and Manyame Air Base, pointed to a ‘deepening institutional decay within the ZNA’ and widespread dissatisfaction among the armed forces.

While the full content of these pamphlets was not officially disclosed, information from various sources indicated they contained a scathing critique of senior political and military figures. The authors, identifying themselves as members of the security services, accused these figures of neglecting the welfare of ordinary soldiers while enriching a wealthy elite, pejoratively termed ‘zvigananda’. The leaflets lamented the deteriorating working conditions within the ZNA, stating, ‘Our conditions of service are pathetic. We need decent salaries, accommodation, uniforms, buses and vehicles — not handouts.’ They further challenged the military leadership, questioning why serving members were deployed to protect ‘zvigananda’ and alleging that the army was being divided by unofficial payments. These statements underscore a profound resentment over perceived corruption and unequal treatment within the military, highlighting a growing chasm between the leadership and its rank-and-file.

The Guardians of Zimbabwe Emerge

Amidst this backdrop of military discontent and political tension, a new political party, the Guardians of Zimbabwe (GoZ), was officially launched. Composed of retired and former serving members of the country’s security services, the GoZ has pledged to restore discipline and accountability, directly challenging the government’s handling of national affairs. The party’s leadership, including president Moses Kumbweya, deputy president Constance Zulu, and organising secretary Oscar Chaza, asserts that the movement was born out of an unwavering oath of service to the nation.

Moses Kumbweya, a former security officer, described the GoZ as ‘a political party born out of oath,’ seeking to restore order through service. He openly questioned the ruling Zanu PF’s ‘2030 agenda’ to extend its tenure, arguing that the party had failed to provide basic public services and protect vulnerable citizens. Kumbweya accused the ruling elite of prioritising personal power over national duty and warned that the newly enacted constitutional amendments represented a dangerous power-grab that would entrench a one-party state. His deputy, Constance Zulu, echoed these sentiments, stating, ‘I, too, swore an oath to serve Zimbabwe, an oath that does not expire when the uniform comes off,’ and highlighted the pervasive issues of hunger, unemployment, and declining living standards despite the nation’s abundant resources. Oscar Chaza further emphasised the party’s concern for civil servants, including teachers, nurses, police officers, and members of the defence forces, whose retirement benefits have been eroded by inflation and economic instability.

The CAA3 Legislation and Internal Strife

The timing of these developments is intrinsically linked to the controversial Constitution Amendment Act No. 3 (CAA3). Originally introduced as a bill (CAB3) in February 2026, the legislation has now been signed into law despite being widely criticised as an attempt to dilute military powers and consolidate political control. Retired Vice-Air Marshal Henry Muchena has been a vocal opponent, arguing that the move is driven by a select group aiming to protect their ill-gotten wealth. The amendments include extending presidential and parliamentary terms, granting the President authority to appoint judges without public interviews, removing the running mate clause for presidential candidates, and allowing the President to appoint additional non-constituency ministers. Critics argue these changes centralise power in the executive and undermine democratic checks and balances.

This constitutional overhaul has exacerbated an already tense power struggle between President Emmerson Mnangagwa and his Vice President, Constantino Chiwenga. This rivalry, dating back to the 2017 military-backed ousting of Robert Mugabe, has intensified, with CAA3 seen by some analysts as Mnangagwa’s successful attempt to outmanoeuvre Chiwenga and secure his political future. The military, traditionally a powerful force in Zimbabwean politics, appears to be divided, with factions aligning with either Mnangagwa or Chiwenga. This internal strife within the ruling ZANU-PF party and the military creates a volatile environment, where incidents like the ‘People’s Army’ leaflets and the formation of the GoZ can quickly escalate into major political crises.

The State’s Clampdown: ‘Anti-Terrorism’ Laws in Play

The state’s response to the emergence of the Guardians of Zimbabwe has been swift and firm. Police, particularly the CID Law and Order Section in Bulawayo, have been actively tracking GoZ leaders since the party’s launch. Moses Kumbweya, the party president, was reportedly visited by police at his residence and later summoned for questioning at the Bulawayo Central Police Station. Accompanied by his lawyer from the Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR), Kumbweya faced interrogation regarding the party’s formation, objectives, its stance on the now-enacted Constitution Amendment Act No. 3, and whether it would consider joining the ruling Zanu PF. While no criminal charges were laid, these interrogations highlight the state’s determination to suppress any perceived threat to its authority.

The government’s use of ‘anti-terrorism’ laws to pre-emptively crush this movement is a significant concern. While the specific application of such laws to the GoZ has not been explicitly detailed, the summary provided indicates this is the state’s chosen tactic. This approach allows for broad interpretations and severe penalties, effectively stifling dissent under the guise of national security. The fear is that these laws, often criticised for their potential to be weaponised against political opponents, will be used to dismantle the GoZ before it can gain significant traction.

A Deep-Seated Betrayal and Shifting Loyalties

The core of the ‘Green Beret’ rebellion lies in a profound sense of betrayal felt by former soldiers. Many of these veterans, who fought in the Second Congo War and were instrumental in the 2017 transition that saw Robert Mugabe removed from power, believe their sacrifices have been forgotten and their welfare neglected. The summary highlights a ‘conspiracy of why these men were fired in the first place,’ suggesting a deliberate effort to sideline those who might challenge the status quo. This perceived betrayal, coupled with the dire economic conditions affecting serving and retired military personnel, creates a fertile ground for disloyalty within the armed forces.

The GoZ, by tapping into this widespread discontent and promising a ‘true liberation,’ poses a unique threat. Unlike traditional opposition parties, this movement comprises individuals with military training and an intimate understanding of the security apparatus. Their ‘rebellion’ could trigger a massive shift in the loyalty of the current armed forces, potentially destabilising the regime from within. The state’s terror is palpable: these are not just political opponents, but an internal haemorrhage of the regime’s own foundation, capable of exploiting its vulnerabilities.

Secret meetings reportedly held in the outskirts of Harare and Bulawayo further underscore the clandestine nature of this movement and the seriousness with which it is being pursued by the state. The combination of organised former soldiers, widespread economic grievances, and a deeply divided political landscape creates a volatile situation in Zimbabwe, where the actions of these ‘Green Beret’ rebels could indeed usher in a significant, and potentially unpredictable, shift in power dynamics.


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